Are organic pioneers different to recent organic converts, and if so, how?
One of the most common clich�s of organic farming is that once it was wholesome and now it is in some way less pure. Once, organic farmers toiled away, for little or no money, with only the environment and the planet in mind. Today, so the story goes, organic farmers are at best vaguely committed and wary of the old image of organics, at worst only in it for the money.
This notion of previous purity and current callousness has a long lineage. Throughout time, everyone seemed to worry that in their day, things were decent, but nowadays, things are in some way more corrupt, decadent, mean-spirited or possessed by some other foible.
In my own research into the history of the organic movement in Ireland, I constantly encountered people who felt that they were there at this pure starting point. Often, people who started farming in the 1980s and early 1990s seemed to feel this way. Yet there was an organic movement in the 1970s too � Rod Alston, Charlotte and Ben Colchester and the like started then, and others too who have since stopped.
But before them, there were people like Anthony Kay, whom I also interviewed. He brought his biodynamic bread to the launch of the Irish branch of the Soil Association in the 1950s in Dublin. And he worked on an organic farm and stud that had been card-carrying organic, indeed biodynamic, since the 1930s, called Kilmurry.
But still, this notion of being the first, and being the most pure, persists. Inevitably, researchers who study the area argue over whether the movement�s values get watered down. This argument has run since 1997 in particular, when Buck et al developed the notion of conventionalisation.
This conventionalisation of organic agriculture thesis suggests that in a variety of important ways, the organic movement more and more resembles conventional agriculture, and that this trend is inevitable.
Conventionalisation suggests that organic standards would be lowered by the arrival of larger agri-business, that agri-business would appropriate profits which would pressurise farmers, and that organic agriculture, faced by these treats, would become more and more like conventional agriculture.
So broader agro-economic and socio-environmental values, certified standards, allowable inputs would all be modified or weakened: issues around power, control and distribution would be make organic �organic lite� � not in any important way different from conventional agriculture in how it is produced of distributed, or in it�s overall effects on the environment or society.
A massive and heated debate over this conventionalisation thesis developed amongst researchers since 1997. While many arguments for and against have been put forward, today I�m going to focus on just one � values.
Suzanne Padel, in a piece soon to be published, considers the issue of values: Do organic farmers today have weaker values than those of yesteryear? Padel actually interviewed organic farmers from five European countries: Austria, Italy, the Netherlands, the UK and Switzerland.
She suggests that newly converting and the earlier, pioneering organic farmers do not neatly divide into two groups, with the pure old guard and the money-minded new recruits. In fact, and despite the statements by established organic farmers about newly converted farmers only being motivated by money, very few noteworthy differences were detected between the two groups.
Instead, she suggests that the complexities of conversion to organic, as well as the specific circumstances of their farming categories are more important than any personal characteristics.
While newly converting farmers acknowledged the benefit of grant aid, they denied vehemently that this was their only motivation. Newly converting producers seemed concerned with organic farming keeping pace with general developments in agriculture - environmental conservation, animal welfare and consumer expectations. Organic farming as an alternative and as an educational tool were also emphasised by this group.
The old guard were more closed, like their farming systems. They were (indeed are) concerned primarily with the soil and the land. Closed production cycles and farming systems values, such as overall farm soil health were emphasised by this group.
So is this the case in Ireland? Have a look in the examiner next thursday an see what the a selection of organic farmers in Ireland think ofof Suzanne's research
(also, if you want to see the full research, then it will be published in the first 2008 edition of the International Journal of Agricultural Resources, Governance and Ecology.)